President Donald Trump’s desire to accept a luxury jet from Qatar has hit political turbulence, scrambling the usual battle lines on Capitol Hill as lawmakers weigh action.
Trump’s move is deeply unpopular — a gift for Democrats and a reckoning for Republicans. Critics, including within his own party and among MAGA allies, cite security risks, taxpayer costs and ethical concerns.
Democrats are weighing tools to block the deal, such as sticking amendments into defense legislation to stymie it. Even if they can’t get enough frustrated Republicans to vote against the president, the effort could still box in the administration, put pressure on Qatar and force the GOP into painful political territory.
The White House must now determine whether the jet is worth risking a string of plane-related votes that could inflame GOP divisions and hand Democrats a strong attack line ahead of a volatile midterm cycle.
Here’s how Congress could block Trump’s ability to accept the Qatari plane.
Stick it in must-pass defense bills
Lawmakers could tack an amendment to the annual National Defense Authorization Act that would block or limit the deal. Members of the Armed Services Committees could offer these provisions when the panels hold markups for their versions of the bill.
Such language might shape negotiations between the House and Senate when they work to reconcile their bills. And chamber-wide votes could force Republicans to choose between their allegiance to Trump and longstanding national security norms.
The must-pass defense bill is likely Congress’ best shot at implementing any Air Force One measure. If negotiators can craft language as part of a compromise defense bill, lawmakers and Trump would need to accept it or reject the entire bill.
Straightforward block
Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer on Monday unveiled a bill to block the use of a foreign aircraft for Air Force One, framing Trump’s plan as a historic national security risk with an undercurrent of corruption. The bill would bar the Pentagon from using any federal dollars to buy, modify or maintain such an aircraft for the president’s use.
Rep. Greg Meeks (D-N.Y.), the House Foreign Affairs Committee’s top Democrat, has introduced similar legislation to block federal funds from being used to transfer a foreign-owned plane to the U.S. government or Trump’s presidential library. It would also require the administration to submit to Congress all relevant communication related to the plane involving the State Department, the National Security Council or Qatar.
The odds of either bill making it to the floor in a Republican-controlled Congress are slim, barring a major GOP revolt. But by putting their objections in formal legislation, those bills provide Democrats with a sharp messaging tool about accountability.
Speed up the planes in the shop
Trump pushed for the Qatar plane as a cost-saving stopgap due to massive delays in the Air Force’s program to replace the current fleet with two Boeing planes. Darlene Costello, an Air Force acquisition official, told Congress this month that Boeing projects delivery in 2027, but only if officials reduce the requirements. The White House separately estimated the replacement won’t be ready until 2029, after Trump’s term is up.
Defense-focused lawmakers could push to speed up the planes’ delivery, especially if they’re concerned about the security implications of using a Qatari jet.
The Air Force awarded Boeing a $3.9 billion contract to retrofit two planes during Trump’s first term. (The president argued his involvement saved the government money on the deal.) Boeing has since lost more than $2 billion on the project because the contract’s fixed price left it on the hook to cover the cost overruns.
“The Boeing proposal continues to lag behind expectations,” Senate Armed Services Chair Roger Wicker said in an interview. “One of the solutions might be for Boeing to simply redouble their efforts, to do what they can.”
A Senate stop sign
Sen. Chris Murphy (D-Conn.) is protesting the gift by introducing a resolution to block a $1.9 billion arms sale to Qatar. Congress can use a joint resolution of disapproval with the power, under the Arms Export Control Act, to halt military or logistical aid to a foreign country.
While it would automatically get a floor vote, Congress has never successfully blocked a foreign arms sale via joint resolution.
Still, lawmakers are using the resolution to pressure Doha to back down. Sen. Tim Kaine (D-Va.), a cosponsor of the resolution, has argued “that bribing an American president is one of the fastest ways to poison your relationship with the United States.”
Holding up nominees
Democrats could also look to jam up Trump’s Pentagon personnel roster. Schumer last week declared that he’d place procedural holds on all political nominees to the Justice Department until he gets answers from Attorney General Pam Bondi, who signed off on the legality of the jet deal in a memo.
But this approach isn’t likely to do more than add some additional hurdles to their confirmations. Senate Democrats, who are in the minority, can’t block nominees’ confirmations without Republican support, which is unlikely.
Oh, right, the Constitution
The House Judiciary Committee’s Democrats, led by ranking member Rep. Jamie Raskin, are using the Constitution as a political lever. They’re introducing a resolution that invokes the Constitution’s Foreign Emoluments Clause, which bars federal officials from accepting gifts or payments unless Congress allows it.
It asserts that accepting such a “flying bribe” without congressional consent breaches constitutional safeguards against foreign influence. The resolution, while nonbinding and symbolic, is a tactical move. If the resolution ever came to the floor, it would put lawmakers on the record about their views and lay the groundwork for further legal, legislative or political pressure.
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